第15章:Of Seditions & Troubles 论谋叛与变乱(中英对照)
培根散文随笔集中英对照,通过阅读文学名著学语言,是掌握英语的绝佳方法。既可接触原汁原味的英语,又能享受文学之美,一举两得,何乐不为?
15 of seditions & troubles 论谋叛与变乱
shepherds of people had need know the calendars of tempests in state; which are commonly greatest, when things grow to equality; as natural tempests are greatest about the equinoxes. and as there are certain hollow blasts of wind, and secret swellings of seas, before a tempest, so are there in states: ille etiam caecos instare tumultus sa epe monet,fraudesqu et operta tumescere bella. libels, and licentious discourses against the state, when they are frequent and open; and in like sort, false news, often running up and down, to the disadvantage of the state, and hastily embraced; are amongst the signs of troubles. virgil giving the pedigree of fame, saith, she was sister to the giants.
牧民之人必须要知道国家中风波底朕兆;这些风波在诸事将达平衡的时候最为剧烈;就好象自然界底暴风雨在将近春分秋分的时候最为剧烈一样。并且,有如在一场暴风雨之前,有中虚的大风和海波底暗涨一样,国家中也有这样的东西:他(太阳)常给警告,预示暗潮将发,并预示叛逆与潜袭即将来临。毁谤与无视法律,背叛国家的言辞,当它们是多见而且公开的时候;还有那些与之类似的不利国家,屡屡传播上下而易为人所信的谣言,这些都是祸乱将来底预兆。委吉尔在叙述谣言之神底家世的时候说她是巨人们底姊妹之一:
illam terra parens ira irritata deorun, extrenmam(ut perhibent)coeoenceladoquesororem progenuit. as if fame were the relics of seditions past; but they are no less, indeed, the preludes of seditions to come. howsoever, he noteth it right, that seditious tumults and seditious fame differ no more, but as brother and sister, masculine and feminine; especially, if it come to that, that the best actions of a state, and the most plausible, and which ought to give greatest contentment, are taken in ill sense, and traduced: for that shows the envy great, as tacitus saith; conflata magnia invidia, seu bene, seu male, gesta premunt. neither doth it follow, that because these fames are a sign of troubles, that the suppressing of them with too much severity, should be a remedy of troubles.
地母因恼怒众神遂生了她——这巨人族最后的一名——可亚斯和安塞拉都斯的妹妹。好象“谣言”是以往的叛谋之遗留似的;但是谣言也确实是将来之叛乱的前奏曲。然而委吉尔所看到的也是对的,就是叛乱的举动和叛乱的谣言其间的差异甚少,有如兄弟之于姊妹,阳性之于阴性一样,尤其是在国家最良好的举措,本是最值得称扬,应当得到最大多数底欢心的,然而竟被加以恶意的解释而受诽谤的时节为然:因为这是表明很大的妒恨之心的,如同泰塔斯所说的一样:“当政府不受欢迎的时候,好的举措和坏的举措同样地触怒人民”。但是因为这些谣言是变乱的朕兆,遂以为用过分严厉的手段压制这些谣言就是一种止乱的方法,这也是不然的。因为不如蔑视这些言倒常常是最好的制止他们的方法;到各处去设法禁止他们反而使群疑延长。
for the despising of them, many times, checks them best; and the going about to stop them, doth but make a wonder long-lived. also that kind of obedience, which tacitus speaketh of, is to be held suspected; erant in cfficio, sed tamen qvi mallent mandata imperantium interpretari, quam exseqid; disputing, excusing, calling upon mandates and directions, is a kind of shaking off the yoke, and assay of disobedience: especially, if in those disputings they which are for the direction, speak fearfully, and tenderly; and those that are against it, audaciously.
还有泰西塔斯所说的那种服从是应当提防的。“他们虽是愿意服从的,但是乐于批评而不乐于服从长官底命令”。争论、自恕,对命令和指示加以吹求,是一种脱离羁绊的举动,一种叛逆的试验;尤其当在争论之中,主张服从者出言畏缩小心而反对服从者畅言无忌的时候是如此的
also, as machiavelli noteth well; when princes, that ought to be common parents, make themselves as a party, and lean to a side, it is as a boat that is overthrown by uneven weight on the one side; as was well seen, in the time of henry the third of france: for first, himself entered league for the extirpation of the protestants; and presently after, the same league was turned upon himself. for when the authority of princes is made but an accessory to a cause; and that there be other bands, that tie faster than the band of sovereignty, kings begin to be put almost out of possession.
又,马基亚委利见得极是,他说那应当为民之父母的人君若自成一党,偏向一方的时候,那就有如一只因载重不平衡而倾复的船一样;这在法兰西王亨利第三之世可以很明显地看得出;因为他自己先加入同盟,要消灭新教徒;此后不久,这个同盟就转过来对付他本人了。因为人君底权威若被造成为仅仅是某一种目的底帮手,并且在君权底维系之上有束缚力更大的维系的时候,那就是作帝王者差不多要受驱逐的时候了。
also, when discords and quarrels and factions are carried openly, and audaciously; it is a sign, the reverence of government is lost for the motions of the greatest persons in a government, ought to be, as the motions of the planets, under primum mobile; according to the old opinion: which is, that every of them is carried swiftly, by the highest motion, and softly in their own motion.
再者,当冲突、互诟和党争,公开而无忌惮地进行的时候,那就是一种朕兆,见得对政府的尊敬心已经消失了。因为一个政府里的大人物们底举动应当如老派天文学中所说的第九重天之下的诸行星底动作一样,就是,每个行星受一种更高的动律底支配,很迅速地转着,而在自己底私动中则是很柔和的。
and therefore, when great ones, in their own particular motion, move violently, and. as tacitus expressed! it well, liberals quam ut imperantium meminissent; it is a sign, the orbs are out of frame
因此,当大人物们在私动中动得暴烈,并且有如泰西塔斯底名言,“其自由与臣道不符”的时候,这就足见天体是失了常轨了。
for reverence is that, wherewith princes are girt from god; who threatneth the dissolving thereof; solvam cingula regum.
因为“尊崇”是上帝以之维护人君的;而上帝警告他们的时候说是要解除的也就是这个:“我也要放松列王的腰带”即指此也。
so when any of the four pillars of government are mainly shaken, or weakened (which are religion, justice, counsel, and treasure), men had need to pray for fair weather. but let us pass from this part of predictions (concerning which, nevertheless, more light may be taken, from that which followeth); and let us speak first of the materials of seditions; then of the motives of them; and thirdly of the remedies.
因此,当政府底四大柱石(那就是宗教、法律、会议和财政)之任何一个大受动摇或变为软弱的时候,人们就不得不祈祷上天赐与平和的天气了。但是我们现在且离开这关于预兆的一部分(然而关于这一部分在下文中也还可以得到点发明)而先说叛乱的材料,再说它们底动机,第三,再谈防止之道。
concerning the materials of seditions. it is a thing well to be considered: for the surest way to prevent seditions (if the times do bear it), is to take away the matter of them. for if there be fuel prepared, it is hard to tell, whence the spark shall come, that shall set it on fire. the matter of seditions is of two kinds; much poverty, and much discontentment it is certain, so many overthrown estates, so many votes for troubles. lucan noteth well the state of rome, before the civil war.
关于叛乱底材料。这是很值得考虑的,因为最妥的预防叛乱的方法(假如时代允许的话)就是取消叛乱底材料。因为要是有了预备好的柴薪,那就说不定那要使它们燃烧的火星子是要从那一方面来了。叛乱底材料有二;多贫与多怨是也。有多少破产者就有多少喜乱者,这是一定的。鲁侃对于罗马在内战前的情形说得极是
hinc usura vorax, rapidumque in tempore foenus, hinc concussa fides, et multis utile bellum. this same mutes utile bellurn is an assured and infallible sign of a state disposed to seditions and troubles. and if this poverty and broken estate, in the better sort, be joined with a want and necessity, in the mean people, the danger is imminent, and great for the rebellions of the belly are the worst as for discontentments, they are in the politic body, like to humours in the natural, which are apt to gather a preternatural heat, and to inflame. and let no prince measure the danger of them, by this; whether they be just, or unjust. for that were to imagine people to be too reasonable; who do often spurn at their own good: nor yet by this; whether me griefs, whereupon they rise, be in fact, great or small: for they are the most dangerous discontentments, where the fear is greater than the feeling. dolendi modus, timendi non item. besides, in great oppressions, the same things that provoke the patience, do withal mate the courage: but in fears it is not so. neither let any prince, or state, be secure concerning discontentments, because they have been often, or have been long and yet no peril hath ensued; for as it is true, that every vapour, or fume, doth not turn into a storm; so it is, nevertheless, true, that storms, though they blow over divers times, yet may fall at last; and as me spanish proverb noteth well;
从此来了噬人的重利,贪馋的利率奔向结帐之日;从此来了动摇的信用,和那于多人有利的战争:这个“于多人有利的战争”就是一种确实无讹的朕兆,表明一个国家将有叛逆和变乱。并且假如这种上流阶级底贫乏与破产和普通人民底穷困连在一起的话,那末祸患是近而且大的。因为肚子底作乱是最厉害的作乱也。至于怨愤,它们在政治团体之中就有如人底肉体中的体液一样,它们是会聚积一种异乎寻常的“火”而发炎的。为人君者切不可以这些怨之正当与否为衡量这种危险之大小的标准:因为那样就是把一般人想象得过于合理了;而他们其实是常常会拒绝于自己有益的事物的。也不可以这个为标准——就是怨愤所自生的痛苦在事实上是大是小:因为有几种怨其中的畏惧之情远超痛苦之感者,这种怨愤是最危险的。“痛苦是有限制的,而恐怖是无限制的”。再者,在严厉的压迫之中,那激刺人底耐性的事物同时却也能制伏勇气;然而在恐怖之中则不如此也。任何君主或国也不要因为怨愤虽常有或久有而并无危险发生,因此对之不加提防:因为固然每一股水汽或雾气不一定就成为暴风雨,然而暴风雨,虽然往往会搅扰一阵就过去了,可是终久要大下一场的,西班牙成语说得好:
the cord hreaketh at the last by me weakest pull.the causes and motives of seditions are; innovation in religion;taxes; alteration of laws and customs; breaking of privileges; general oppression; advancement of unworthy persons; strangers; dearths; disbanded soldiers; factions grown desperate; and whatsoever in offending people, joined and knitteth them, in a common cause.
“绳子终久要被最无力的拉扯弄断的”。叛乱底原因和动机是,宗教改革、赋税、法律与风俗底变更、特权底废除、普遍的压迫、小人底擢升、异族底阑入、饥馑、散兵、趋于极端的党争、以及任何激怒人民使之为一种公共的目的而团结起来的事物。
for the remedies; there may be some general preservatives, whereof we will speak; as for the just cure, it must answer to the particular disease: and so be left to counsel, rather than rule.
关于叛乱底救济,有些普通的预防之策我们再说一说;至于专门的治疗,必须合乎特殊的病症;所以这个不能由理论处理,而必须留给朝议。
the first remedy or prevention, is to remove by all means possible, that material cause of sedition, whereof we spoke; which is want and poverty in the estate.
第一种救治或治疗的方法就是尽其可能地把我们以上说过的叛乱之物质原因取消,这个物质原因就是国内的贫乏。
to which purpose, serveth the opening and well balancing of trade; the cherishing of manufactures; me banishing of idleness; the repressing of waste and excess by sumptuary laws; the improvement and husbanding of the soil; the regulating of prices of things vendible; the moderating of taxes and tributes; and the like.
要达到这种杜绝乱源的目的就应当采取如下的方法:便利并均衡贸易;保护并鼓励工业;禁除游荡;以节俭令制止消耗与浪费;改良并垦殖土壤;调剂物价;减轻贡赋,以及类此的方法。
generally, it is to be foreseen, that the population of a kingdom, (especially if it be not mown down by wars) do not exceed the stock of the kingdom, which should maintain them. neither is the population to be reckoned only by number: for a smaller number, that spend more, and earn less, do wear out an estate sooner than a greater number, that live lower, and gather more. therefore the multiplying of nobility, and other degrees of quality, in an over proportion to the common people, doth speedily bring a state to necessity: and so doth likewise an overgrown clergy; for they bring nothing to the stock; and in like manner, when more are bred scholars than preferments can take off. it is likewise to be remembered, that for as much as the increase of any estate must be upon the foreigner (for whatsoever is somewhere gotten, is somewhere lost), there be but three things, which one nation selleth unto another, the commodity nature
yieldeth it; the manufacture; and the vecture or carriage.
就一般而论,应当预先注意使国内的人口(尤其是没有受战争底斫伐的时候)不要超过国内养人的资源。又人口也不可仅以数目来计算;因为一个较小而消耗过于生产的人口比一个较大而消费低生产多的人口其破坏国家更为迅速也。因此贵族及其他官爵底人口增加如果超过了与平民底人口增加的正当比率,这个很快地就能把一个国家带到贫困的境地;僧侣过多也能如此;因为他们都是不事生产的;同样地,人民之受教育者如果多过了可以养他们的官职的时候,也是如此。
so that if these three wheels go, wealth will flow as in a spring tide. and it cometh many times to pass, that materiam superabit opus; that the work, and carriage, is more worth than the material, and enricheth a state more; as is notably seen in the low countrymen, who have the best mines, above ground, in the world.
类此,也应当记忆者,就是任何一国底财富之增加既必须靠在外国人方面取利(因为任何事物有得之者即必有失之者)那末只有三种东西是一国可以售与他国的:就是天然的物产;人造的物品;运输。因此,若是这三个轮子轮转不息,则财富将如春水一样地流通了。再者,事情往往如此,就是“工作胜于物质”,那就是工作和运输比物质为更有价值,更能增加国富;如荷兰人就是很显明的例子,他们是全世界享有最良好的地面上的矿产的国家。
above all things, good policy is to be used, that the treasure and moneys in a state be not gathered into few hands. for otherwise, a state may have a great stock, and yet starve. and money is like muck, not good except it be spread. this is done, chiefly, by suppressing, or at the least, keeping a strait hand, upon the devouring trades of usury, engrossing, great pasturages, and the like.for removing discontentments, or at least, the danger of them; there is in every state (as we know) two portions of subjects; the noblesse, and the commonality.
最要者,要妥筹良策,使国内的珍宝钱财勿入于少数人之手,如不然者,一个国家可以有很大的财富而仍不免于饥饿也。金钱好似肥料,如不普及便无好处。要使它普及,主要就在禁止或严厉约束那些贪馋的生意,如高利贷、垄断、广大的牧场、以及类此的种种。说到消除怨愤或至少消除怨愤底危险,我们知道每个国家里都有两种臣民:贵族与平民
when one of these is discontent, the danger is not great; for common people are of slow motion, if they be not excited by the greater sort; and the greater sort are of small strength, except the multitude be apt and ready to move of themselves. then is the danger, when the greater sort do but wait for the troubling of the waters, amongst the meaner, that then they may declare themselves. the poets feign, that the rest of the gods would have bound jupiter, which he hearing of, by the counsel of pallas, sent for briareus, with his hundred hands, to come in to his aid. an emblem, no doubt, to show how safe it is for monarchs to make sure of the good will of common people.
在二者之中只有一种是心怀怨愤的时候,那危险是不大的;因为平民若没有上流阶级底挑拨,是动作迟缓的;而上流阶级,若群众不能或不准备自己有所举动的话,则他们底力量是不够大的。所以当上流阶级等待着在下的民众起了骚动以便明示他们自己底态度的时候那就是危险的时候。诗人们寓言说众神想把久辟特困缚起来,这种图谋被久辟特听见了,于是从帕拉斯之计召百臂的布瑞阿瑞欧斯来帮助他。这无疑地是一种譬喻,是表明为人君者若能确得一般平民底欢心则是如何地平安的。
to give moderate liberty for griefs and discontentments to evaporate (so it be without too great insolency or bravery) is a safe way. for he that turneth the humours back, and maketh the wound bleed inwards, endangereth malign ulcers, and pernicious impostumations.
予人民以相当的自由使其痛苦与不平得以发泄(只要发泄的时候不要过于不逊或夸张)是一种安全的方法。因为那压抑体液及使伤口的血倒流入内的人是将有恶疡及险疮的危险的。
the part of epimetheus mought well become prometheus, in the case of discontentments; for mere is not a better provision against them. epimetheus, when griefs and evils flew abroad, at last shut the lid, and kept hope in the bottom of the vessel. certainly, the politic and artificial nourishing and entertaining of hopes, and carrying men from hopes to hopes, is one of the best antidotes against me poison of discontentments. and it is a certain sign of a wise government, and proceeding, when it can hold men's hearts by hopes, when it cannot by satisfaction: and when it can handle things in such manner as no evil shall appear so peremptory, but that it hath some outlet of hope: which is me less hard to do, because both particular persons, and factions, are apt enough to flatter themselves, or at least to brave that, which they believe not.
在与怨愤有关的情形中,埃辟迈修斯底所为是很适于普罗密修斯的;因为再没有比他底所为更好的预防怨愤之法也。埃辟迈修斯在许多的痛苦与祸患飞到外面之后,终于盖上了盖子,把希望留在了箱子底上。无疑地,得宜而巧妙的对于希望的培养及抱持,以及导引人们从这个希望到那个希望,这种办法真是治疗和救济怨愤之毒的最好的良药。而一个政府当其不能以满足人民底欲望而得人心的时候若能以使他们有希望而得之,并且当其能办事办得使任何祸患也不能显得全无救济之道,而总要使它显得有解决的希望的时候,那就确实可见其为一个贤明的政府当局了。后者较易做到,因为个人和党派双方都易于阿谀自己,或者至少也易于装出不相信某事是没有希望的样子的。
also, the foresight, and prevention, that there be no likely or fit head, whereunto discontented persons may resort, and under whom they may join, is a known, but an excellent point of caution. i understand a fit head, to be one that hath greatness, and reputation; that hath confidence with the discontented party; and upon whom they turn their eyes; and that is thought discontented in his own particular, which kind of persons are either to be won, and reconciled to the state, and that in a fast and true manner, or to be fronted, with some other of the same party, that may oppose them, and so divide the reputation.
又,使国内不容易有适当的首领可以招聚或领率不平之徒者,这种先见和预防是一种虽为人所已知而仍然很优良的警戒之策。所谓适当的首领者,就是有大度和大名的人,受心怀不平的党派底信任和尊仰的人,被认为他在自己本人的利益上也有所不满的人。这样的人应当把他或者是拉拢过来并使之与政府和好,而这种事还得要结实真确地做到,或者使他受同党中另一个人底争衡,使其名誉分削。
generally, the dividing and breaking of all factions and combinations that are adverse to the state, and setting them at distance, or at least distrust amongst themselves, is not one of the worst remedies. for it is a desperate case, if those that hold with the proceeding of the state, be full of discord and faction; and those that are against it, be entire and united. i have noted, that some witty and sharp speeches, which have fallen from princes, have given fire to seditions. caesar did himself infinite hurt, in that speech; sulla nescivit literas, non potuit dictare'. for it did, utterly cut off that hope, which men had entertained, that he would, at one time or other, give over his dictatorship. galba undid himself by that speech; legi a se militem, non am: for it put the soldiers out of hope of the donative. probus likewise, by that speech; si vixero, non opus erit amplius romanio imperio militibus. a speech of great despair, for the soldiers: and many the like. surely, princes had need, in tender matters, and ticklish times, to beware what they say; especially in these short speeches, which flee abroad like darts, and are thought to be shot out of their secret intentions.
一般地说来,分裂一切将不利于政府的党派集团,使之自相为仇,或者至少互不置信,不能算是一种顶坏的治疗怨愤之方。因为假如赞成政府底措施的人们充满了不和或党争而反对政府者乃是齐心一致的话,那情势就真是危险之至了。常见有些从人君口中出来的机警锋利的言语曾燃起叛乱之火。恺撒曾以“苏拉不文,所以不会独裁”一语给自己为害无穷,因为这句话使一般希望他早晚会放弃独裁的人完全失望了。加尔巴以“我不收买兵士而征募兵士一语自戕,因为这句话使兵士们都失了赏赐之望了。同样地,普罗巴斯,以“假如我活下去,罗马帝国将不再需要兵士了”一语自戕,因为这句话使兵士们大为失望。类此者甚多。无疑地,为人君者,在危险的事件上和不安的时代中,须要慎其所言;尤其是这些短短的言辞,它们飞行如箭,并且被人们认为是从君王底私心中无心泄露出来的。
for as for large discourses, they are flat things, and not so much noted.lastly, let princes, against all events, not be without some great person, one, or rather more, of military valour near unto them, for the repressing of seditions in their beginnings.
至于长篇大论,则是干燥无味的东西,不如这些话之受人注意也。最后,为人君者,为预防一切起见,当在身旁常有一位或数位有勇略的大将,为削除叛乱的萌芽之用。
for without that, there useth to be more trepidation in court, upon the first breaking out of troubles, than were fit and the state runneth the danger of that, which tacitus saith; atque is habitus animorum fuit, ut pessimum facinus auderent pauci, plures vellent, crimes paterentur. but let such military persons be assured, and well reputed of, rather then factious, and popular, holding also good correspondence with the other great men in the state; or else the remedy is worse than the disease.
若没有这样的人,则变乱一起,朝廷中即惊惶失措矣。并且政府所冒的危险将如泰西塔斯所云:“虽然很少人敢做这样至丑极恶的叛国之举,但是却有多人愿意这种事实现,而一般人都是准备赞成这件事的——当时的人心如此”。但是这样的军人须要可靠而且有好名誉,不可喜党争而结欢于众;他并且还须与政府中其他的大人物相得;否则那治病的药就要比疾病本身为害更烈了。
培根散文随笔集中英对照,通过阅读文学名著学语言,是掌握英语的绝佳方法。既可接触原汁原味的英语,又能享受文学之美,一举两得,何乐不为?
15 of seditions & troubles 论谋叛与变乱
牧民之人必须要知道国家中风波底朕兆;这些风波在诸事将达平衡的时候最为剧烈;就好象自然界底暴风雨在将近春分秋分的时候最为剧烈一样。并且,有如在一场暴风雨之前,有中虚的大风和海波底暗涨一样,国家中也有这样的东西:他(太阳)常给警告,预示暗潮将发,并预示叛逆与潜袭即将来临。毁谤与无视法律,背叛国家的言辞,当它们是多见而且公开的时候;还有那些与之类似的不利国家,屡屡传播上下而易为人所信的谣言,这些都是祸乱将来底预兆。委吉尔在叙述谣言之神底家世的时候说她是巨人们底姊妹之一:
地母因恼怒众神遂生了她——这巨人族最后的一名——可亚斯和安塞拉都斯的妹妹。好象“谣言”是以往的叛谋之遗留似的;但是谣言也确实是将来之叛乱的前奏曲。然而委吉尔所看到的也是对的,就是叛乱的举动和叛乱的谣言其间的差异甚少,有如兄弟之于姊妹,阳性之于阴性一样,尤其是在国家最良好的举措,本是最值得称扬,应当得到最大多数底欢心的,然而竟被加以恶意的解释而受诽谤的时节为然:因为这是表明很大的妒恨之心的,如同泰塔斯所说的一样:“当政府不受欢迎的时候,好的举措和坏的举措同样地触怒人民”。但是因为这些谣言是变乱的朕兆,遂以为用过分严厉的手段压制这些谣言就是一种止乱的方法,这也是不然的。因为不如蔑视这些言倒常常是最好的制止他们的方法;到各处去设法禁止他们反而使群疑延长。
还有泰西塔斯所说的那种服从是应当提防的。“他们虽是愿意服从的,但是乐于批评而不乐于服从长官底命令”。争论、自恕,对命令和指示加以吹求,是一种脱离羁绊的举动,一种叛逆的试验;尤其当在争论之中,主张服从者出言畏缩小心而反对服从者畅言无忌的时候是如此的
又,马基亚委利见得极是,他说那应当为民之父母的人君若自成一党,偏向一方的时候,那就有如一只因载重不平衡而倾复的船一样;这在法兰西王亨利第三之世可以很明显地看得出;因为他自己先加入同盟,要消灭新教徒;此后不久,这个同盟就转过来对付他本人了。因为人君底权威若被造成为仅仅是某一种目的底帮手,并且在君权底维系之上有束缚力更大的维系的时候,那就是作帝王者差不多要受驱逐的时候了。
再者,当冲突、互诟和党争,公开而无忌惮地进行的时候,那就是一种朕兆,见得对政府的尊敬心已经消失了。因为一个政府里的大人物们底举动应当如老派天文学中所说的第九重天之下的诸行星底动作一样,就是,每个行星受一种更高的动律底支配,很迅速地转着,而在自己底私动中则是很柔和的。
因此,当大人物们在私动中动得暴烈,并且有如泰西塔斯底名言,“其自由与臣道不符”的时候,这就足见天体是失了常轨了。
因为“尊崇”是上帝以之维护人君的;而上帝警告他们的时候说是要解除的也就是这个:“我也要放松列王的腰带”即指此也。
因此,当政府底四大柱石(那就是宗教、法律、会议和财政)之任何一个大受动摇或变为软弱的时候,人们就不得不祈祷上天赐与平和的天气了。但是我们现在且离开这关于预兆的一部分(然而关于这一部分在下文中也还可以得到点发明)而先说叛乱的材料,再说它们底动机,第三,再谈防止之道。
关于叛乱底材料。这是很值得考虑的,因为最妥的预防叛乱的方法(假如时代允许的话)就是取消叛乱底材料。因为要是有了预备好的柴薪,那就说不定那要使它们燃烧的火星子是要从那一方面来了。叛乱底材料有二;多贫与多怨是也。有多少破产者就有多少喜乱者,这是一定的。鲁侃对于罗马在内战前的情形说得极是
从此来了噬人的重利,贪馋的利率奔向结帐之日;从此来了动摇的信用,和那于多人有利的战争:这个“于多人有利的战争”就是一种确实无讹的朕兆,表明一个国家将有叛逆和变乱。并且假如这种上流阶级底贫乏与破产和普通人民底穷困连在一起的话,那末祸患是近而且大的。因为肚子底作乱是最厉害的作乱也。至于怨愤,它们在政治团体之中就有如人底肉体中的体液一样,它们是会聚积一种异乎寻常的“火”而发炎的。为人君者切不可以这些怨之正当与否为衡量这种危险之大小的标准:因为那样就是把一般人想象得过于合理了;而他们其实是常常会拒绝于自己有益的事物的。也不可以这个为标准——就是怨愤所自生的痛苦在事实上是大是小:因为有几种怨其中的畏惧之情远超痛苦之感者,这种怨愤是最危险的。“痛苦是有限制的,而恐怖是无限制的”。再者,在严厉的压迫之中,那激刺人底耐性的事物同时却也能制伏勇气;然而在恐怖之中则不如此也。任何君主或国也不要因为怨愤虽常有或久有而并无危险发生,因此对之不加提防:因为固然每一股水汽或雾气不一定就成为暴风雨,然而暴风雨,虽然往往会搅扰一阵就过去了,可是终久要大下一场的,西班牙成语说得好:
“绳子终久要被最无力的拉扯弄断的”。叛乱底原因和动机是,宗教改革、赋税、法律与风俗底变更、特权底废除、普遍的压迫、小人底擢升、异族底阑入、饥馑、散兵、趋于极端的党争、以及任何激怒人民使之为一种公共的目的而团结起来的事物。
关于叛乱底救济,有些普通的预防之策我们再说一说;至于专门的治疗,必须合乎特殊的病症;所以这个不能由理论处理,而必须留给朝议。
第一种救治或治疗的方法就是尽其可能地把我们以上说过的叛乱之物质原因取消,这个物质原因就是国内的贫乏。
要达到这种杜绝乱源的目的就应当采取如下的方法:便利并均衡贸易;保护并鼓励工业;禁除游荡;以节俭令制止消耗与浪费;改良并垦殖土壤;调剂物价;减轻贡赋,以及类此的方法。
就一般而论,应当预先注意使国内的人口(尤其是没有受战争底斫伐的时候)不要超过国内养人的资源。又人口也不可仅以数目来计算;因为一个较小而消耗过于生产的人口比一个较大而消费低生产多的人口其破坏国家更为迅速也。因此贵族及其他官爵底人口增加如果超过了与平民底人口增加的正当比率,这个很快地就能把一个国家带到贫困的境地;僧侣过多也能如此;因为他们都是不事生产的;同样地,人民之受教育者如果多过了可以养他们的官职的时候,也是如此。
类此,也应当记忆者,就是任何一国底财富之增加既必须靠在外国人方面取利(因为任何事物有得之者即必有失之者)那末只有三种东西是一国可以售与他国的:就是天然的物产;人造的物品;运输。因此,若是这三个轮子轮转不息,则财富将如春水一样地流通了。再者,事情往往如此,就是“工作胜于物质”,那就是工作和运输比物质为更有价值,更能增加国富;如荷兰人就是很显明的例子,他们是全世界享有最良好的地面上的矿产的国家。
最要者,要妥筹良策,使国内的珍宝钱财勿入于少数人之手,如不然者,一个国家可以有很大的财富而仍不免于饥饿也。金钱好似肥料,如不普及便无好处。要使它普及,主要就在禁止或严厉约束那些贪馋的生意,如高利贷、垄断、广大的牧场、以及类此的种种。说到消除怨愤或至少消除怨愤底危险,我们知道每个国家里都有两种臣民:贵族与平民
在二者之中只有一种是心怀怨愤的时候,那危险是不大的;因为平民若没有上流阶级底挑拨,是动作迟缓的;而上流阶级,若群众不能或不准备自己有所举动的话,则他们底力量是不够大的。所以当上流阶级等待着在下的民众起了骚动以便明示他们自己底态度的时候那就是危险的时候。诗人们寓言说众神想把久辟特困缚起来,这种图谋被久辟特听见了,于是从帕拉斯之计召百臂的布瑞阿瑞欧斯来帮助他。这无疑地是一种譬喻,是表明为人君者若能确得一般平民底欢心则是如何地平安的。
予人民以相当的自由使其痛苦与不平得以发泄(只要发泄的时候不要过于不逊或夸张)是一种安全的方法。因为那压抑体液及使伤口的血倒流入内的人是将有恶疡及险疮的危险的。
在与怨愤有关的情形中,埃辟迈修斯底所为是很适于普罗密修斯的;因为再没有比他底所为更好的预防怨愤之法也。埃辟迈修斯在许多的痛苦与祸患飞到外面之后,终于盖上了盖子,把希望留在了箱子底上。无疑地,得宜而巧妙的对于希望的培养及抱持,以及导引人们从这个希望到那个希望,这种办法真是治疗和救济怨愤之毒的最好的良药。而一个政府当其不能以满足人民底欲望而得人心的时候若能以使他们有希望而得之,并且当其能办事办得使任何祸患也不能显得全无救济之道,而总要使它显得有解决的希望的时候,那就确实可见其为一个贤明的政府当局了。后者较易做到,因为个人和党派双方都易于阿谀自己,或者至少也易于装出不相信某事是没有希望的样子的。
又,使国内不容易有适当的首领可以招聚或领率不平之徒者,这种先见和预防是一种虽为人所已知而仍然很优良的警戒之策。所谓适当的首领者,就是有大度和大名的人,受心怀不平的党派底信任和尊仰的人,被认为他在自己本人的利益上也有所不满的人。这样的人应当把他或者是拉拢过来并使之与政府和好,而这种事还得要结实真确地做到,或者使他受同党中另一个人底争衡,使其名誉分削。
一般地说来,分裂一切将不利于政府的党派集团,使之自相为仇,或者至少互不置信,不能算是一种顶坏的治疗怨愤之方。因为假如赞成政府底措施的人们充满了不和或党争而反对政府者乃是齐心一致的话,那情势就真是危险之至了。常见有些从人君口中出来的机警锋利的言语曾燃起叛乱之火。恺撒曾以“苏拉不文,所以不会独裁”一语给自己为害无穷,因为这句话使一般希望他早晚会放弃独裁的人完全失望了。加尔巴以“我不收买兵士而征募兵士一语自戕,因为这句话使兵士们都失了赏赐之望了。同样地,普罗巴斯,以“假如我活下去,罗马帝国将不再需要兵士了”一语自戕,因为这句话使兵士们大为失望。类此者甚多。无疑地,为人君者,在危险的事件上和不安的时代中,须要慎其所言;尤其是这些短短的言辞,它们飞行如箭,并且被人们认为是从君王底私心中无心泄露出来的。
至于长篇大论,则是干燥无味的东西,不如这些话之受人注意也。最后,为人君者,为预防一切起见,当在身旁常有一位或数位有勇略的大将,为削除叛乱的萌芽之用。
若没有这样的人,则变乱一起,朝廷中即惊惶失措矣。并且政府所冒的危险将如泰西塔斯所云:“虽然很少人敢做这样至丑极恶的叛国之举,但是却有多人愿意这种事实现,而一般人都是准备赞成这件事的——当时的人心如此”。但是这样的军人须要可靠而且有好名誉,不可喜党争而结欢于众;他并且还须与政府中其他的大人物相得;否则那治病的药就要比疾病本身为害更烈了。
shepherds of people had need know the calendars of tempests in state; which are commonly greatest, when things grow to equality; as natural tempests are greatest about the equinoxes. and as there are certain hollow blasts of wind, and secret swellings of seas, before a tempest, so are there in states: ille etiam caecos instare tumultus sa epe monet,fraudesqu et operta tumescere bella. libels, and licentious discourses against the state, when they are frequent and open; and in like sort, false news, often running up and down, to the disadvantage of the state, and hastily embraced; are amongst the signs of troubles. virgil giving the pedigree of fame, saith, she was sister to the giants.
illam terra parens ira irritata deorun, extrenmam(ut perhibent)coeoenceladoquesororem progenuit. as if fame were the relics of seditions past; but they are no less, indeed, the preludes of seditions to come. howsoever, he noteth it right, that seditious tumults and seditious fame differ no more, but as brother and sister, masculine and feminine; especially, if it come to that, that the best actions of a state, and the most plausible, and which ought to give greatest contentment, are taken in ill sense, and traduced: for that shows the envy great, as tacitus saith; conflata magnia invidia, seu bene, seu male, gesta premunt. neither doth it follow, that because these fames are a sign of troubles, that the suppressing of them with too much severity, should be a remedy of troubles.
for the despising of them, many times, checks them best; and the going about to stop them, doth but make a wonder long-lived. also that kind of obedience, which tacitus speaketh of, is to be held suspected; erant in cfficio, sed tamen qvi mallent mandata imperantium interpretari, quam exseqid; disputing, excusing, calling upon mandates and directions, is a kind of shaking off the yoke, and assay of disobedience: especially, if in those disputings they which are for the direction, speak fearfully, and tenderly; and those that are against it, audaciously.
also, as machiavelli noteth well; when princes, that ought to be common parents, make themselves as a party, and lean to a side, it is as a boat that is overthrown by uneven weight on the one side; as was well seen, in the time of henry the third of france: for first, himself entered league for the extirpation of the protestants; and presently after, the same league was turned upon himself. for when the authority of princes is made but an accessory to a cause; and that there be other bands, that tie faster than the band of sovereignty, kings begin to be put almost out of possession.
also, when discords and quarrels and factions are carried openly, and audaciously; it is a sign, the reverence of government is lost for the motions of the greatest persons in a government, ought to be, as the motions of the planets, under primum mobile; according to the old opinion: which is, that every of them is carried swiftly, by the highest motion, and softly in their own motion.
and therefore, when great ones, in their own particular motion, move violently, and. as tacitus expressed! it well, liberals quam ut imperantium meminissent; it is a sign, the orbs are out of frame
for reverence is that, wherewith princes are girt from god; who threatneth the dissolving thereof; solvam cingula regum.
so when any of the four pillars of government are mainly shaken, or weakened (which are religion, justice, counsel, and treasure), men had need to pray for fair weather. but let us pass from this part of predictions (concerning which, nevertheless, more light may be taken, from that which followeth); and let us speak first of the materials of seditions; then of the motives of them; and thirdly of the remedies.
concerning the materials of seditions. it is a thing well to be considered: for the surest way to prevent seditions (if the times do bear it), is to take away the matter of them. for if there be fuel prepared, it is hard to tell, whence the spark shall come, that shall set it on fire. the matter of seditions is of two kinds; much poverty, and much discontentment it is certain, so many overthrown estates, so many votes for troubles. lucan noteth well the state of rome, before the civil war.
hinc usura vorax, rapidumque in tempore foenus, hinc concussa fides, et multis utile bellum. this same mutes utile bellurn is an assured and infallible sign of a state disposed to seditions and troubles. and if this poverty and broken estate, in the better sort, be joined with a want and necessity, in the mean people, the danger is imminent, and great for the rebellions of the belly are the worst as for discontentments, they are in the politic body, like to humours in the natural, which are apt to gather a preternatural heat, and to inflame. and let no prince measure the danger of them, by this; whether they be just, or unjust. for that were to imagine people to be too reasonable; who do often spurn at their own good: nor yet by this; whether me griefs, whereupon they rise, be in fact, great or small: for they are the most dangerous discontentments, where the fear is greater than the feeling. dolendi modus, timendi non item. besides, in great oppressions, the same things that provoke the patience, do withal mate the courage: but in fears it is not so. neither let any prince, or state, be secure concerning discontentments, because they have been often, or have been long and yet no peril hath ensued; for as it is true, that every vapour, or fume, doth not turn into a storm; so it is, nevertheless, true, that storms, though they blow over divers times, yet may fall at last; and as me spanish proverb noteth well;
the cord hreaketh at the last by me weakest pull.the causes and motives of seditions are; innovation in religion;taxes; alteration of laws and customs; breaking of privileges; general oppression; advancement of unworthy persons; strangers; dearths; disbanded soldiers; factions grown desperate; and whatsoever in offending people, joined and knitteth them, in a common cause.
for the remedies; there may be some general preservatives, whereof we will speak; as for the just cure, it must answer to the particular disease: and so be left to counsel, rather than rule.
the first remedy or prevention, is to remove by all means possible, that material cause of sedition, whereof we spoke; which is want and poverty in the estate.
to which purpose, serveth the opening and well balancing of trade; the cherishing of manufactures; me banishing of idleness; the repressing of waste and excess by sumptuary laws; the improvement and husbanding of the soil; the regulating of prices of things vendible; the moderating of taxes and tributes; and the like.
generally, it is to be foreseen, that the population of a kingdom, (especially if it be not mown down by wars) do not exceed the stock of the kingdom, which should maintain them. neither is the population to be reckoned only by number: for a smaller number, that spend more, and earn less, do wear out an estate sooner than a greater number, that live lower, and gather more. therefore the multiplying of nobility, and other degrees of quality, in an over proportion to the common people, doth speedily bring a state to necessity: and so doth likewise an overgrown clergy; for they bring nothing to the stock; and in like manner, when more are bred scholars than preferments can take off. it is likewise to be remembered, that for as much as the increase of any estate must be upon the foreigner (for whatsoever is somewhere gotten, is somewhere lost), there be but three things, which one nation selleth unto another, the commodity nature
yieldeth it; the manufacture; and the vecture or carriage.
so that if these three wheels go, wealth will flow as in a spring tide. and it cometh many times to pass, that materiam superabit opus; that the work, and carriage, is more worth than the material, and enricheth a state more; as is notably seen in the low countrymen, who have the best mines, above ground, in the world.
above all things, good policy is to be used, that the treasure and moneys in a state be not gathered into few hands. for otherwise, a state may have a great stock, and yet starve. and money is like muck, not good except it be spread. this is done, chiefly, by suppressing, or at the least, keeping a strait hand, upon the devouring trades of usury, engrossing, great pasturages, and the like.for removing discontentments, or at least, the danger of them; there is in every state (as we know) two portions of subjects; the noblesse, and the commonality.
when one of these is discontent, the danger is not great; for common people are of slow motion, if they be not excited by the greater sort; and the greater sort are of small strength, except the multitude be apt and ready to move of themselves. then is the danger, when the greater sort do but wait for the troubling of the waters, amongst the meaner, that then they may declare themselves. the poets feign, that the rest of the gods would have bound jupiter, which he hearing of, by the counsel of pallas, sent for briareus, with his hundred hands, to come in to his aid. an emblem, no doubt, to show how safe it is for monarchs to make sure of the good will of common people.
to give moderate liberty for griefs and discontentments to evaporate (so it be without too great insolency or bravery) is a safe way. for he that turneth the humours back, and maketh the wound bleed inwards, endangereth malign ulcers, and pernicious impostumations.
the part of epimetheus mought well become prometheus, in the case of discontentments; for mere is not a better provision against them. epimetheus, when griefs and evils flew abroad, at last shut the lid, and kept hope in the bottom of the vessel. certainly, the politic and artificial nourishing and entertaining of hopes, and carrying men from hopes to hopes, is one of the best antidotes against me poison of discontentments. and it is a certain sign of a wise government, and proceeding, when it can hold men's hearts by hopes, when it cannot by satisfaction: and when it can handle things in such manner as no evil shall appear so peremptory, but that it hath some outlet of hope: which is me less hard to do, because both particular persons, and factions, are apt enough to flatter themselves, or at least to brave that, which they believe not.
also, the foresight, and prevention, that there be no likely or fit head, whereunto discontented persons may resort, and under whom they may join, is a known, but an excellent point of caution. i understand a fit head, to be one that hath greatness, and reputation; that hath confidence with the discontented party; and upon whom they turn their eyes; and that is thought discontented in his own particular, which kind of persons are either to be won, and reconciled to the state, and that in a fast and true manner, or to be fronted, with some other of the same party, that may oppose them, and so divide the reputation.
generally, the dividing and breaking of all factions and combinations that are adverse to the state, and setting them at distance, or at least distrust amongst themselves, is not one of the worst remedies. for it is a desperate case, if those that hold with the proceeding of the state, be full of discord and faction; and those that are against it, be entire and united. i have noted, that some witty and sharp speeches, which have fallen from princes, have given fire to seditions. caesar did himself infinite hurt, in that speech; sulla nescivit literas, non potuit dictare'. for it did, utterly cut off that hope, which men had entertained, that he would, at one time or other, give over his dictatorship. galba undid himself by that speech; legi a se militem, non am: for it put the soldiers out of hope of the donative. probus likewise, by that speech; si vixero, non opus erit amplius romanio imperio militibus. a speech of great despair, for the soldiers: and many the like. surely, princes had need, in tender matters, and ticklish times, to beware what they say; especially in these short speeches, which flee abroad like darts, and are thought to be shot out of their secret intentions.
for as for large discourses, they are flat things, and not so much noted.lastly, let princes, against all events, not be without some great person, one, or rather more, of military valour near unto them, for the repressing of seditions in their beginnings.
for without that, there useth to be more trepidation in court, upon the first breaking out of troubles, than were fit and the state runneth the danger of that, which tacitus saith; atque is habitus animorum fuit, ut pessimum facinus auderent pauci, plures vellent, crimes paterentur. but let such military persons be assured, and well reputed of, rather then factious, and popular, holding also good correspondence with the other great men in the state; or else the remedy is worse than the disease.